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	<title>Comments on: Stoking the Eskom Debate</title>
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	<link>http://politicalclimate.net/2010/06/04/stoking-the-eskom-debate/</link>
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		<title>By: Blühende Kohlelandschaften in Südafrika &#171; Klima der Gerechtigkeit</title>
		<link>http://politicalclimate.net/2010/06/04/stoking-the-eskom-debate/#comment-642</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Blühende Kohlelandschaften in Südafrika &#171; Klima der Gerechtigkeit]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 09 Jan 2011 16:05:22 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://politicalclimate.net/?p=446#comment-642</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[[...] &#8211; &#8220;Regen, der ausgedörrtes Land tränkt&#8221; nennt der staatliche Energiekonzern Escom aus Südafrika liebevoll das neue Kohlekraftwerk, das im Land [...]]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] &#8211; &#8220;Regen, der ausgedörrtes Land tränkt&#8221; nennt der staatliche Energiekonzern Escom aus Südafrika liebevoll das neue Kohlekraftwerk, das im Land [...]</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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	<item>
		<title>By: Robert Bradfield</title>
		<link>http://politicalclimate.net/2010/06/04/stoking-the-eskom-debate/#comment-346</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Robert Bradfield]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 14 Jun 2010 21:58:30 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://politicalclimate.net/?p=446#comment-346</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[ESKOM&#039;s project is a typical example of the wrong use of natural resources. This could have been prevented if the project evaluations included environmental, social, economic and financial impacts. The problem is that because of a lack of foresight, ESKOM had to again fall back on the old method of power generation. The one thing South Africa has in abundance is low grade, sulphur rich, coal that can be used in these power generating facilities, Lephalale is a great place to locate this power station because no one in the cities see it. The World Bank does not have to live with its consequences and ESKOM makes a packet to pay bad managers. So to hell with the environment.]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>ESKOM&#8217;s project is a typical example of the wrong use of natural resources. This could have been prevented if the project evaluations included environmental, social, economic and financial impacts. The problem is that because of a lack of foresight, ESKOM had to again fall back on the old method of power generation. The one thing South Africa has in abundance is low grade, sulphur rich, coal that can be used in these power generating facilities, Lephalale is a great place to locate this power station because no one in the cities see it. The World Bank does not have to live with its consequences and ESKOM makes a packet to pay bad managers. So to hell with the environment.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>By: From Poverty to Power by Duncan Green &#187; Blog Archive &#187; Good and bad ideas on climate change; soccer for Americans; contradictory views; bad Canada; mobile banking; what motivates people? Links I liked</title>
		<link>http://politicalclimate.net/2010/06/04/stoking-the-eskom-debate/#comment-342</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[From Poverty to Power by Duncan Green &#187; Blog Archive &#187; Good and bad ideas on climate change; soccer for Americans; contradictory views; bad Canada; mobile banking; what motivates people? Links I liked]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 14 Jun 2010 06:28:37 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://politicalclimate.net/?p=446#comment-342</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[[...] the Political Climate blog, Matthew Lockwood unpacks a big row over a new World Bank-supported mega coal-fired electricity plant in South Africa and has some good ideas for a ‘Carbon Trading Initiative’ to reduce carbon [...]]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] the Political Climate blog, Matthew Lockwood unpacks a big row over a new World Bank-supported mega coal-fired electricity plant in South Africa and has some good ideas for a ‘Carbon Trading Initiative’ to reduce carbon [...]</p>
]]></content:encoded>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>By: Patrick Bond</title>
		<link>http://politicalclimate.net/2010/06/04/stoking-the-eskom-debate/#comment-338</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Patrick Bond]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 10 Jun 2010 00:14:49 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://politicalclimate.net/?p=446#comment-338</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[These concerns were the basis for an unprecedented SA (and international) civil society campaign from Feb-April. Details (and 540pp of press clips) are here: http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?11,65,3,1994

Here&#039;s the campaign statement and signatories:

STATEMENT FROM SA AND AFRICA CIVIL SOCIETY
ON ESKOM’S PROPOSED $3.75 BILLION WORLD BANK LOAN
 
Should the World Bank grant a $3.75 billion (R29 bn) loan to Eskom? No. We South African and African organisations which for years have advocated social and environmental justice here and abroad, oppose Eskom’s proposed Bank loan – and indeed its new construction programme more generally - for several reasons.

1) A bad project, contributing to energy poverty and environmental destruction. This particular project is fatally flawed, on grounds that Eskom’s strategy is:
•	based primarily on large coal-fired stations (followed by nuclear) and as many as 40 new coal mines, which will add to South Africa’s already extremely high carbon intensity, as well as the air pollution and degradation of scarce water resources;
•	designed to continue supplying the world’s cheapest electricity mainly to large energy-intensive industries, including steel and aluminium, whose corporations are headquartered abroad (hence contributing to the profits outflow on South Africa’s balance of payments);
•	to be mainly paid for by unaffordable tariff increases imposed on ordinary South Africans, while the beneficiaries – the largest industrial consumers - are exempt from price rises because of multi-decade Special Purchase Agreements offered to them during apartheid and the 1990’s; and,
•	unable to alleviate ‘energy poverty’, but instead entrenches suffering by imposing ‘cost recovery’ on people who cannot afford it, with Eskom already admitting a ‘typical township household’ will face a 2009-2012 monthly price rise from R360 ($48) to R1000 ($130).

2) Inappropriate financing. We therefore oppose all funding, foreign and local, for Eskom’s coal/nuclear expansion plans. Were Eskom to engage in a reasonable energy policy based on demand management, with supply shifting to renewable, and the expansion of Free Basic Electricity beyond the current tokenism as well as connections to urban shackdwellers and the rural poor, that would be worthy of support. As for green energy investments that are not import-intensive, local financing would be more appropriate than a World Bank loan - and is readily available, including through state debt and halting subsidised electricity contracts to multinationals. The financial danger of a World Bank loan is that the SA currency will crash (as it has five times since 1996), hence making repayment much more expensive (since the loans are not repaid in rand but in dollars), hence adding to the extreme cost burden poor South Africans will face.

3) Eskom’s special responsibility to Africa. We must not forget that South Africa consumes more than its fair share of Africa’s environmental space for development (more than 40% of CO2 emissions from just 6% of Africans), mainly because of Eskom, Sasol and other large corporations which emit the vast bulk of greenhouse gases. The World Bank loan will sink Eskom – and South Africa - into not only financial debt to the West, but much deeper ‘Climate Debt’ to Africa. African civil society unites with SA critics of Eskom’s irresponsible climate-denialist projects.

4) The World Bank’s special responsibility. Specifically, we oppose World Bank funding for Eskom and call on all governments with Bank voting power to oppose the proposed loan on April 6, when the Board meets. The World Bank has still not offered reparations for its 1951-67 apartheid-empowering loans to Eskom, for which only white people received electricity (but the entire society repaid the loans). Further, the Bank has consistently promoted privatisation and/or commercialisation of state utilities and cost-recovery (resulting in disconnections), which together prevent access to electricity by poor South Africans. We call on the Bank’s member governments and directors to endorse the recommendations of the 2004 World Bank Extractive Industries Review. The Review found that, aside from climate damage, the Bank’s fossil fuel projects had neither the intention nor the effect of alleviating poverty and called for them to be phased out. 
5) The US government’s special responsibility. We especially call on the US Treasury – which has opposed Bank coal financing in line with a recent ‘Guidance Note’ – to veto the proposed loan, and to also halt US government subsidies to the coal industry so as to avoid the legitimate charge against Washington of hypocrisy. We are delighted about three processes internal to the US, which are a model for our own work in South Africa: Sierra Club legal action has prevented new coal-fired plants from being built; courageous activists in West Virginia are engaged in direct action to halt ‘mountaintop coal removals’; and the US Environmental Protection Agency adopted December 2009 provisions to implement its ‘endangerment finding’ that carbon from coal is a pollutant and must be directly regulated. What must be avoided is the US imposing responsibility for carbon cuts on the South, but without providing funding or technology support for renewable energies as part of the ‘Climate Debt’ that the US owes for taking up so much environmental space. World Bank Executive Directors representing the South have responded to the US Guidance Note making several of these points, and they oppose the use of the Bank as an instrument of US power. This is a fair point, and a long-standing grievance we all share, given Washington’s extremely destructive role at the Bank and in the world economy. Nevertheless, the dissident Executive Directors’ response supports further Bank funding for fossil energy and specifically coal-fired power stations, justifying coal as necessary for poverty alleviation and economic growth in developing countries. In reality, economic growth has been accompanied by growing inequality in South Africa and many other countries that suffer ‘resource curse’. The poor are mostly left worse off than before. Even where their income improves by conventional measures, the gains are lost to services cost recovery (and disconnections), to health costs imposed by pollution, to the loss of nonrenewable resources, to water/land theft associated with coal-fired power, and to the increased cost of access to amenities previously provided as public goods. In addition, it is common cause that the poor are most vulnerable to climate change. In many countries, they are already feeling the costs in intensified droughts and floods and in the loss of land through coastal erosion. 

6) Towards the transformation of energy, production and financing. We see renewable energy, not coal-fired power stations, as the optimal development path for Southern economies, creating more jobs, building local manufacturing capacity, and avoiding the environmental mistakes of Northern countries. As in South Africa, most World Bank coal power projects are designed to supply industry, not people. They do not necessarily increase per capita access to energy. The industries in turn are mostly geared for export in line with the World Bank’s promotion of export oriented production. The goods are then consumed primarily in developed countries. Further, many industries are established with foreign direct investments. In the process, much of the heavy industry in developed countries has relocated to developing countries in search of cheaper energy and cheaper labour. Yet because their headquarters are in London, Melbourne, New York, Toronto, Zurich and other offshore sites, a substantial portion of profits is returned to rich countries, exacerbating the poor countries’ balance of payments deficit. Because South Africa’s payments deficit is so extreme, due to the outflow of profits and dividends to foreign corporations which benefit from the world’s cheapest electricity, The Economist magazine judged the country as the world’s riskiest emerging market (24 February 2009).

7) The demand side management alternative. Instead of expanding its coal/nuclear facilities, Eskom should engage in serious demand side management, beginning by phasing out electricity to smelters that have little linkage with the South African economy and that are capital- rather than jobs-intensive. Concrete plans should be made for a ‘just transition’, so as to provide alternative, well-paid ‘green jobs’ – e.g. in subsidised thermal-solar geysers for every house – to those workers who are employed at the smelters. At the same time, the special purchase agreements should be disclosed to the public and opened for renegotiation. The freed up energy should be redistributed to provide for a much larger ‘lifeline’ supply of universal Free Basic Electricity – with a rising block tariff to encourage conservation to improve spinning margins which will buy time for a switch into renewable energy technologies. By not expanding its coal/nuclear facilities and instead redistributing the electricity capacity it has, and by simultaneously switching to renewable sources, Eskom can survive this crisis. But it can only do so if it is not in the clutches of the world’s leading financier of climate destruction, the World Bank.

ENDORSEMENTS:

South Africa
•	350.org South Africa
•	Alternative Information Development Centre
•	Anti Privatization Forum
•	Austerville Clinic Committee
•	Benchmarks Foundation 
•	Bluff Ridge Conservancy 
•	Boitshoko Home Based Care 
•	Buhlebuyeza
•	Ceasefire Campaign 
•	Centre for Civil Society Environmental Justice Project
•	CJN!SA
•	Citizens United for Renewable Energy and Sustainability 
•	Clairwood Ratepayers Association
•	Diakonia
•	Displaced Rates Payers Association 
•	DUCT Howick
•	Durban Airport Farmers Association
•	Earthlife Africa Cape Town
•	Earthlife Africa Ethekwini
•	Earthlife Africa, Johannesburg 
•	Eastern Cape Environmental Network
•	Ecumenical Service for Socio-Economic Transformation 
•	Ecumenical Women’s Prayer in Action 
•	Environmental Monitoring Group
•	Esigodini Environmental Group 
•	Federation for a Sustainable Environment 
•	General Industries Workers Union of SA
•	Greater Edendale Environmental Network
•	groundWork
•	Inner City Resource Centre 
•	Institute for Zero Waste in Africa
•	Isipingo Environmental Committee
•	Isipingo Ratepayers AssociationJoint Action Committee of Isipingo
•	Kathorus Concerned Residents 
•	KwaZulu-Natal Subsistence Forum
•	Merebank Clinic Committee
•	Merebank Residents Association
•	Noordhoek Environmental Action Group
•	Off the Ground 
•	Pelindaba Working Group
•	Phulhumani CO OP
•	Pietermaritzburg Association for Christian Social Awareness
•	Renewable Energy Centre
•	Silverglen Civic Association  
•	Siyathuthuka Group
•	Socialist Group
•	South African Chemical Workers Union (Gauteng) 
•	South African Council of Churches (Gauteng) 
•	South African Council of Churches
•	Southern African Faith Communities&#039; Environment Institute 
•	South Durban Community Environmental Alliance 
•	Southern Cape Land Committee
•	Soweto Concerned Residents 
•	Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee 
•	Springs Eco Friends 
•	Sustainable Energy and Climate Change Project
•	Timberwatch
•	Treasure Beach Environmental Forum
•	Trust for Community Outreach and Education
•	Tsogang Youth Group 
•	Umphilo waManzi
•	Vaal Environmental Justice Alliance
•	Vezani Disable Support Group
•	Well Worn Theatre 
•	Wentworth Development Forum 
•	Wildlife and Environmental Society of South Africa (Gauteng)
•	Workers World Media Production
•	WWF SA
•	Youth Agriculture Ambassadors 
Africa outside South Africa

•	Ghana	Friends of the Earth Ghana
•	Kenya	Kenya Debt Relief and Development Network
•	Kenya	Pan African Climate Justice Alliance
•	Malawi	Citizens for Justice
•	Mozambique	Justiça Ambiental
•	Namibia	Earthlife Africa
•	Nigeria	Environmental Rights Action
•	Sierra Leone	Friends of the Earth, Sierra Leone
•	Swaziland	Yonge Nawe
•	Tanzania	Lawyers Environmental Action Team
•	Togo	Les Amis de la Terre
•	Tunisia	Association Tunisienne Pour la Nature et l&#039;Environnement
•	Zimbabwe	Magamba Cultural Collective
•	Pan Africa	Jeunes Volontaires pour l&#039;Environnement
•	Pan Africa	Africa Youth Initiative on Climate Change

International

•	International	Focus on the Global South
•	International 	Global Anti Incinerator Alliance
•	International 	Third World Network
•	Europe	CEE Bankwatch Network (Central and Eastern Europe)
•	Europe	ECA-Watch Europe
•	Europe	EURODAD
•	Australia 	Jubilee Australia
•	Australia	Friends of the Earth Australia
•	Bangladesh	Equity and Justice Working Group
•	Bangladesh	Solidarity Workshop
•	Belgium	11.11.11, Coalition of the Flemish North-South Movement
•	Bosnia-Herzegovina	Society for Threatened Peoples International
•	Brazil	Friends of the Earth Brazil
•	Bulgaria	Bulgaria For the Earth!
•	Bulgaria	Centre for Environmental Information and Education
•	Canada	Canadians for Action on Climate Change
•	Canada	Halifax Initiative Coalition
•	Czech Republic	Centre for Transport and Energy
•	Czech Republic	Hnuti DUHA
•	Denmark	NOAH, Friends of the Earth, Denmark
•	Estonia	Estonian Green Movement
•	France	HELIO International
•	France	IPAM
•	France	Les Amis de la Terre/Friends of the Earth France
•	France	Pres.Noe21
•	Georgia	Green Alternative
•	Germany 	GegenStroemung - CounterCurrent
•	Germany	INFOE - the Institute for Ecology and Action Anthropology
•	Germany	Urgewald
•	Hungary	National Society of Conservationists - Friends of the Earth Hungary
•	India	National Forum of Forest People and Forest Workers
•	India	Community Environmental Monitoring - A Project of The Other Media
•	India	Corporate Accountability Desk of The Other Media
•	India	Foundation for Dialogues on Indigenous culture and environment
(DICE Foundation)
•	India	India People&#039;s Science Campaign
•	India	Indian Social Action Forum
•	India	Nityanand Jayaraman
•	Indonesia	Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (WALHI/Friends of the Earth Indonesia)
•	Ireland	Debt and Development Coalition Ireland
•	Italy	Campagna per la riforma della Banca mondiale
•	Latvia	Latvian Green Movement
•	Lebanon	IndyACT - The League of Independent Activists
•	Lithuania	Atgaja
•	Macedonia	Eco-sense
•	Malaysia	Consumers Association of Penang
•	Malaysia	Sahabat Alam Malaysia (SAM/FoE Malaysia)
•	Mauritius	FOE Mauritius
•	Mexico	Fundar, Centro de Análisis e Investigación, A.C.
•	Mexico	Other Worlds
•	Nepal	ProPublic/Friends of the Earth Nepal
•	Norway	Friends of the Earth Norway
•	Norway	Spire
•	Norway	The Development Fund
•	Palestine	Palestinian Environmental NGOs Network (PENGON/Friends of the Earth
Palestine)
•	Papua New Guinea	Center for Environmental Law and Community Rights Inc.
•	Poland	Polish Green Network  
•	Portugal	Euronatura - Centro para o direito ambiental e desenvolvimento susstentado
•	Russia	Sakhalin Environmental Watch
•	Scotland	Jubilee Scotland
•	Slovak Republic	Friends of the Earth - Center for Environmental Public Advocacy
•	Spain	Foundations for the Future
•	Spain	Ibiza Ecologic
•	Spain	Observatori del Deute en la Globalització
•	Sri Lanka	Centre for Environmental Justice
•	Switzerland	Berne Declaration
•	The Philippines	Alliance of indigenous women&#039;s organizations in the Cordillera
•	The Philippines	Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center (LRC-KsK/ Friends of the Earth
Philippines)
•	The Philippines 	NGO Forum on Asia Development Bank
•	The Netherlands	Both Ends
•	Ukraine	National Ecological Centre of Ukraine
•	United Kingdom	Bretton Woods Project
•	United Kingdom	ClientEarth
•	United Kingdom	FERN
•	United Kingdom	Friends of the Earth England, Wales and Northern Ireland
•	United Kingdom	World Development Movement
•	United States	Africa Action
•	United States	Alternative Energy Resources Organization
•	United States	California Communities Against Toxics
•	United States	Climate SOS
•	United States	Center for Biological Diversity
•	United States	Columban Center for Advocacy and Outreach
•	United States	Concerned Residents of Portland, NY + People Like Us
•	United States	Crude Accountability
•	United States 	Friends of the Earth, US
•	United States	Bank Information Center
•	United States	Foreign Policy in Focus
•	United  States	Gender Action
•	United States	Green Delaware
•	United States	Global Exchange 
•	United States	International Accountability Project
•	United States	International Forum on Globalization
•	United States	JPIC Missionary Oblates
•	United States	Jubilee Montana Network
•	United  States	Jubilee USA Network
•	United States	Justice in Nigeria Now
•	United States	Oil Change International
•	United States	Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns
•	United States	Massachusetts Coalition for Healthy Communities
•	United States	National Wildlife Federation
•	United States	New Rules for Global Finance
•	United States	Rainforest Action Network
•	United States	Pacific Environment
•	United States	Seed Systems
•	United States	Sierra Club
•	United States	Sustainable Energy and Economy Network
•	United States	Valley Watch, Inc.
•	United States	West Papua Advocacy Team
•	Uruguay	REDES (Red de Ecología Social)]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>These concerns were the basis for an unprecedented SA (and international) civil society campaign from Feb-April. Details (and 540pp of press clips) are here: <a href="http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?11,65,3,1994" rel="nofollow">http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?11,65,3,1994</a></p>
<p>Here&#8217;s the campaign statement and signatories:</p>
<p>STATEMENT FROM SA AND AFRICA CIVIL SOCIETY<br />
ON ESKOM’S PROPOSED $3.75 BILLION WORLD BANK LOAN</p>
<p>Should the World Bank grant a $3.75 billion (R29 bn) loan to Eskom? No. We South African and African organisations which for years have advocated social and environmental justice here and abroad, oppose Eskom’s proposed Bank loan – and indeed its new construction programme more generally &#8211; for several reasons.</p>
<p>1) A bad project, contributing to energy poverty and environmental destruction. This particular project is fatally flawed, on grounds that Eskom’s strategy is:<br />
•	based primarily on large coal-fired stations (followed by nuclear) and as many as 40 new coal mines, which will add to South Africa’s already extremely high carbon intensity, as well as the air pollution and degradation of scarce water resources;<br />
•	designed to continue supplying the world’s cheapest electricity mainly to large energy-intensive industries, including steel and aluminium, whose corporations are headquartered abroad (hence contributing to the profits outflow on South Africa’s balance of payments);<br />
•	to be mainly paid for by unaffordable tariff increases imposed on ordinary South Africans, while the beneficiaries – the largest industrial consumers &#8211; are exempt from price rises because of multi-decade Special Purchase Agreements offered to them during apartheid and the 1990’s; and,<br />
•	unable to alleviate ‘energy poverty’, but instead entrenches suffering by imposing ‘cost recovery’ on people who cannot afford it, with Eskom already admitting a ‘typical township household’ will face a 2009-2012 monthly price rise from R360 ($48) to R1000 ($130).</p>
<p>2) Inappropriate financing. We therefore oppose all funding, foreign and local, for Eskom’s coal/nuclear expansion plans. Were Eskom to engage in a reasonable energy policy based on demand management, with supply shifting to renewable, and the expansion of Free Basic Electricity beyond the current tokenism as well as connections to urban shackdwellers and the rural poor, that would be worthy of support. As for green energy investments that are not import-intensive, local financing would be more appropriate than a World Bank loan &#8211; and is readily available, including through state debt and halting subsidised electricity contracts to multinationals. The financial danger of a World Bank loan is that the SA currency will crash (as it has five times since 1996), hence making repayment much more expensive (since the loans are not repaid in rand but in dollars), hence adding to the extreme cost burden poor South Africans will face.</p>
<p>3) Eskom’s special responsibility to Africa. We must not forget that South Africa consumes more than its fair share of Africa’s environmental space for development (more than 40% of CO2 emissions from just 6% of Africans), mainly because of Eskom, Sasol and other large corporations which emit the vast bulk of greenhouse gases. The World Bank loan will sink Eskom – and South Africa &#8211; into not only financial debt to the West, but much deeper ‘Climate Debt’ to Africa. African civil society unites with SA critics of Eskom’s irresponsible climate-denialist projects.</p>
<p>4) The World Bank’s special responsibility. Specifically, we oppose World Bank funding for Eskom and call on all governments with Bank voting power to oppose the proposed loan on April 6, when the Board meets. The World Bank has still not offered reparations for its 1951-67 apartheid-empowering loans to Eskom, for which only white people received electricity (but the entire society repaid the loans). Further, the Bank has consistently promoted privatisation and/or commercialisation of state utilities and cost-recovery (resulting in disconnections), which together prevent access to electricity by poor South Africans. We call on the Bank’s member governments and directors to endorse the recommendations of the 2004 World Bank Extractive Industries Review. The Review found that, aside from climate damage, the Bank’s fossil fuel projects had neither the intention nor the effect of alleviating poverty and called for them to be phased out.<br />
5) The US government’s special responsibility. We especially call on the US Treasury – which has opposed Bank coal financing in line with a recent ‘Guidance Note’ – to veto the proposed loan, and to also halt US government subsidies to the coal industry so as to avoid the legitimate charge against Washington of hypocrisy. We are delighted about three processes internal to the US, which are a model for our own work in South Africa: Sierra Club legal action has prevented new coal-fired plants from being built; courageous activists in West Virginia are engaged in direct action to halt ‘mountaintop coal removals’; and the US Environmental Protection Agency adopted December 2009 provisions to implement its ‘endangerment finding’ that carbon from coal is a pollutant and must be directly regulated. What must be avoided is the US imposing responsibility for carbon cuts on the South, but without providing funding or technology support for renewable energies as part of the ‘Climate Debt’ that the US owes for taking up so much environmental space. World Bank Executive Directors representing the South have responded to the US Guidance Note making several of these points, and they oppose the use of the Bank as an instrument of US power. This is a fair point, and a long-standing grievance we all share, given Washington’s extremely destructive role at the Bank and in the world economy. Nevertheless, the dissident Executive Directors’ response supports further Bank funding for fossil energy and specifically coal-fired power stations, justifying coal as necessary for poverty alleviation and economic growth in developing countries. In reality, economic growth has been accompanied by growing inequality in South Africa and many other countries that suffer ‘resource curse’. The poor are mostly left worse off than before. Even where their income improves by conventional measures, the gains are lost to services cost recovery (and disconnections), to health costs imposed by pollution, to the loss of nonrenewable resources, to water/land theft associated with coal-fired power, and to the increased cost of access to amenities previously provided as public goods. In addition, it is common cause that the poor are most vulnerable to climate change. In many countries, they are already feeling the costs in intensified droughts and floods and in the loss of land through coastal erosion. </p>
<p>6) Towards the transformation of energy, production and financing. We see renewable energy, not coal-fired power stations, as the optimal development path for Southern economies, creating more jobs, building local manufacturing capacity, and avoiding the environmental mistakes of Northern countries. As in South Africa, most World Bank coal power projects are designed to supply industry, not people. They do not necessarily increase per capita access to energy. The industries in turn are mostly geared for export in line with the World Bank’s promotion of export oriented production. The goods are then consumed primarily in developed countries. Further, many industries are established with foreign direct investments. In the process, much of the heavy industry in developed countries has relocated to developing countries in search of cheaper energy and cheaper labour. Yet because their headquarters are in London, Melbourne, New York, Toronto, Zurich and other offshore sites, a substantial portion of profits is returned to rich countries, exacerbating the poor countries’ balance of payments deficit. Because South Africa’s payments deficit is so extreme, due to the outflow of profits and dividends to foreign corporations which benefit from the world’s cheapest electricity, The Economist magazine judged the country as the world’s riskiest emerging market (24 February 2009).</p>
<p>7) The demand side management alternative. Instead of expanding its coal/nuclear facilities, Eskom should engage in serious demand side management, beginning by phasing out electricity to smelters that have little linkage with the South African economy and that are capital- rather than jobs-intensive. Concrete plans should be made for a ‘just transition’, so as to provide alternative, well-paid ‘green jobs’ – e.g. in subsidised thermal-solar geysers for every house – to those workers who are employed at the smelters. At the same time, the special purchase agreements should be disclosed to the public and opened for renegotiation. The freed up energy should be redistributed to provide for a much larger ‘lifeline’ supply of universal Free Basic Electricity – with a rising block tariff to encourage conservation to improve spinning margins which will buy time for a switch into renewable energy technologies. By not expanding its coal/nuclear facilities and instead redistributing the electricity capacity it has, and by simultaneously switching to renewable sources, Eskom can survive this crisis. But it can only do so if it is not in the clutches of the world’s leading financier of climate destruction, the World Bank.</p>
<p>ENDORSEMENTS:</p>
<p>South Africa<br />
•	350.org South Africa<br />
•	Alternative Information Development Centre<br />
•	Anti Privatization Forum<br />
•	Austerville Clinic Committee<br />
•	Benchmarks Foundation<br />
•	Bluff Ridge Conservancy<br />
•	Boitshoko Home Based Care<br />
•	Buhlebuyeza<br />
•	Ceasefire Campaign<br />
•	Centre for Civil Society Environmental Justice Project<br />
•	CJN!SA<br />
•	Citizens United for Renewable Energy and Sustainability<br />
•	Clairwood Ratepayers Association<br />
•	Diakonia<br />
•	Displaced Rates Payers Association<br />
•	DUCT Howick<br />
•	Durban Airport Farmers Association<br />
•	Earthlife Africa Cape Town<br />
•	Earthlife Africa Ethekwini<br />
•	Earthlife Africa, Johannesburg<br />
•	Eastern Cape Environmental Network<br />
•	Ecumenical Service for Socio-Economic Transformation<br />
•	Ecumenical Women’s Prayer in Action<br />
•	Environmental Monitoring Group<br />
•	Esigodini Environmental Group<br />
•	Federation for a Sustainable Environment<br />
•	General Industries Workers Union of SA<br />
•	Greater Edendale Environmental Network<br />
•	groundWork<br />
•	Inner City Resource Centre<br />
•	Institute for Zero Waste in Africa<br />
•	Isipingo Environmental Committee<br />
•	Isipingo Ratepayers AssociationJoint Action Committee of Isipingo<br />
•	Kathorus Concerned Residents<br />
•	KwaZulu-Natal Subsistence Forum<br />
•	Merebank Clinic Committee<br />
•	Merebank Residents Association<br />
•	Noordhoek Environmental Action Group<br />
•	Off the Ground<br />
•	Pelindaba Working Group<br />
•	Phulhumani CO OP<br />
•	Pietermaritzburg Association for Christian Social Awareness<br />
•	Renewable Energy Centre<br />
•	Silverglen Civic Association<br />
•	Siyathuthuka Group<br />
•	Socialist Group<br />
•	South African Chemical Workers Union (Gauteng)<br />
•	South African Council of Churches (Gauteng)<br />
•	South African Council of Churches<br />
•	Southern African Faith Communities&#8217; Environment Institute<br />
•	South Durban Community Environmental Alliance<br />
•	Southern Cape Land Committee<br />
•	Soweto Concerned Residents<br />
•	Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee<br />
•	Springs Eco Friends<br />
•	Sustainable Energy and Climate Change Project<br />
•	Timberwatch<br />
•	Treasure Beach Environmental Forum<br />
•	Trust for Community Outreach and Education<br />
•	Tsogang Youth Group<br />
•	Umphilo waManzi<br />
•	Vaal Environmental Justice Alliance<br />
•	Vezani Disable Support Group<br />
•	Well Worn Theatre<br />
•	Wentworth Development Forum<br />
•	Wildlife and Environmental Society of South Africa (Gauteng)<br />
•	Workers World Media Production<br />
•	WWF SA<br />
•	Youth Agriculture Ambassadors<br />
Africa outside South Africa</p>
<p>•	Ghana	Friends of the Earth Ghana<br />
•	Kenya	Kenya Debt Relief and Development Network<br />
•	Kenya	Pan African Climate Justice Alliance<br />
•	Malawi	Citizens for Justice<br />
•	Mozambique	Justiça Ambiental<br />
•	Namibia	Earthlife Africa<br />
•	Nigeria	Environmental Rights Action<br />
•	Sierra Leone	Friends of the Earth, Sierra Leone<br />
•	Swaziland	Yonge Nawe<br />
•	Tanzania	Lawyers Environmental Action Team<br />
•	Togo	Les Amis de la Terre<br />
•	Tunisia	Association Tunisienne Pour la Nature et l&#8217;Environnement<br />
•	Zimbabwe	Magamba Cultural Collective<br />
•	Pan Africa	Jeunes Volontaires pour l&#8217;Environnement<br />
•	Pan Africa	Africa Youth Initiative on Climate Change</p>
<p>International</p>
<p>•	International	Focus on the Global South<br />
•	International 	Global Anti Incinerator Alliance<br />
•	International 	Third World Network<br />
•	Europe	CEE Bankwatch Network (Central and Eastern Europe)<br />
•	Europe	ECA-Watch Europe<br />
•	Europe	EURODAD<br />
•	Australia 	Jubilee Australia<br />
•	Australia	Friends of the Earth Australia<br />
•	Bangladesh	Equity and Justice Working Group<br />
•	Bangladesh	Solidarity Workshop<br />
•	Belgium	11.11.11, Coalition of the Flemish North-South Movement<br />
•	Bosnia-Herzegovina	Society for Threatened Peoples International<br />
•	Brazil	Friends of the Earth Brazil<br />
•	Bulgaria	Bulgaria For the Earth!<br />
•	Bulgaria	Centre for Environmental Information and Education<br />
•	Canada	Canadians for Action on Climate Change<br />
•	Canada	Halifax Initiative Coalition<br />
•	Czech Republic	Centre for Transport and Energy<br />
•	Czech Republic	Hnuti DUHA<br />
•	Denmark	NOAH, Friends of the Earth, Denmark<br />
•	Estonia	Estonian Green Movement<br />
•	France	HELIO International<br />
•	France	IPAM<br />
•	France	Les Amis de la Terre/Friends of the Earth France<br />
•	France	Pres.Noe21<br />
•	Georgia	Green Alternative<br />
•	Germany 	GegenStroemung &#8211; CounterCurrent<br />
•	Germany	INFOE &#8211; the Institute for Ecology and Action Anthropology<br />
•	Germany	Urgewald<br />
•	Hungary	National Society of Conservationists &#8211; Friends of the Earth Hungary<br />
•	India	National Forum of Forest People and Forest Workers<br />
•	India	Community Environmental Monitoring &#8211; A Project of The Other Media<br />
•	India	Corporate Accountability Desk of The Other Media<br />
•	India	Foundation for Dialogues on Indigenous culture and environment<br />
(DICE Foundation)<br />
•	India	India People&#8217;s Science Campaign<br />
•	India	Indian Social Action Forum<br />
•	India	Nityanand Jayaraman<br />
•	Indonesia	Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (WALHI/Friends of the Earth Indonesia)<br />
•	Ireland	Debt and Development Coalition Ireland<br />
•	Italy	Campagna per la riforma della Banca mondiale<br />
•	Latvia	Latvian Green Movement<br />
•	Lebanon	IndyACT &#8211; The League of Independent Activists<br />
•	Lithuania	Atgaja<br />
•	Macedonia	Eco-sense<br />
•	Malaysia	Consumers Association of Penang<br />
•	Malaysia	Sahabat Alam Malaysia (SAM/FoE Malaysia)<br />
•	Mauritius	FOE Mauritius<br />
•	Mexico	Fundar, Centro de Análisis e Investigación, A.C.<br />
•	Mexico	Other Worlds<br />
•	Nepal	ProPublic/Friends of the Earth Nepal<br />
•	Norway	Friends of the Earth Norway<br />
•	Norway	Spire<br />
•	Norway	The Development Fund<br />
•	Palestine	Palestinian Environmental NGOs Network (PENGON/Friends of the Earth<br />
Palestine)<br />
•	Papua New Guinea	Center for Environmental Law and Community Rights Inc.<br />
•	Poland	Polish Green Network<br />
•	Portugal	Euronatura &#8211; Centro para o direito ambiental e desenvolvimento susstentado<br />
•	Russia	Sakhalin Environmental Watch<br />
•	Scotland	Jubilee Scotland<br />
•	Slovak Republic	Friends of the Earth &#8211; Center for Environmental Public Advocacy<br />
•	Spain	Foundations for the Future<br />
•	Spain	Ibiza Ecologic<br />
•	Spain	Observatori del Deute en la Globalització<br />
•	Sri Lanka	Centre for Environmental Justice<br />
•	Switzerland	Berne Declaration<br />
•	The Philippines	Alliance of indigenous women&#8217;s organizations in the Cordillera<br />
•	The Philippines	Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center (LRC-KsK/ Friends of the Earth<br />
Philippines)<br />
•	The Philippines 	NGO Forum on Asia Development Bank<br />
•	The Netherlands	Both Ends<br />
•	Ukraine	National Ecological Centre of Ukraine<br />
•	United Kingdom	Bretton Woods Project<br />
•	United Kingdom	ClientEarth<br />
•	United Kingdom	FERN<br />
•	United Kingdom	Friends of the Earth England, Wales and Northern Ireland<br />
•	United Kingdom	World Development Movement<br />
•	United States	Africa Action<br />
•	United States	Alternative Energy Resources Organization<br />
•	United States	California Communities Against Toxics<br />
•	United States	Climate SOS<br />
•	United States	Center for Biological Diversity<br />
•	United States	Columban Center for Advocacy and Outreach<br />
•	United States	Concerned Residents of Portland, NY + People Like Us<br />
•	United States	Crude Accountability<br />
•	United States 	Friends of the Earth, US<br />
•	United States	Bank Information Center<br />
•	United States	Foreign Policy in Focus<br />
•	United  States	Gender Action<br />
•	United States	Green Delaware<br />
•	United States	Global Exchange<br />
•	United States	International Accountability Project<br />
•	United States	International Forum on Globalization<br />
•	United States	JPIC Missionary Oblates<br />
•	United States	Jubilee Montana Network<br />
•	United  States	Jubilee USA Network<br />
•	United States	Justice in Nigeria Now<br />
•	United States	Oil Change International<br />
•	United States	Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns<br />
•	United States	Massachusetts Coalition for Healthy Communities<br />
•	United States	National Wildlife Federation<br />
•	United States	New Rules for Global Finance<br />
•	United States	Rainforest Action Network<br />
•	United States	Pacific Environment<br />
•	United States	Seed Systems<br />
•	United States	Sierra Club<br />
•	United States	Sustainable Energy and Economy Network<br />
•	United States	Valley Watch, Inc.<br />
•	United States	West Papua Advocacy Team<br />
•	Uruguay	REDES (Red de Ecología Social)</p>
]]></content:encoded>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>By: Roy Tindle</title>
		<link>http://politicalclimate.net/2010/06/04/stoking-the-eskom-debate/#comment-337</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Roy Tindle]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 09 Jun 2010 23:56:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://politicalclimate.net/?p=446#comment-337</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[It would make greater sense for the investment to be in renewables but this would probably only be practical with an infrastructure development of a high voltage DC grid throughout a major part of Africa. That should not be impossible but there are clear political and financial difficulties. Following reports on pan European HVDC grids from, amongst others, Gregor Czisch of Kassel University there was published an interesting article in the Scientific American, a few months back. Written by Mark Jacobsen and Mark Delucci, the article suggested that the technology already exists to harvest renewable energy many times more than sufficient to meet the World&#039;s energy needs, within two decades - did the political will exist! It&#039;s the will that&#039;s missing and the still mighty lobbying power of the coal industry.]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>It would make greater sense for the investment to be in renewables but this would probably only be practical with an infrastructure development of a high voltage DC grid throughout a major part of Africa. That should not be impossible but there are clear political and financial difficulties. Following reports on pan European HVDC grids from, amongst others, Gregor Czisch of Kassel University there was published an interesting article in the Scientific American, a few months back. Written by Mark Jacobsen and Mark Delucci, the article suggested that the technology already exists to harvest renewable energy many times more than sufficient to meet the World&#8217;s energy needs, within two decades &#8211; did the political will exist! It&#8217;s the will that&#8217;s missing and the still mighty lobbying power of the coal industry.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>By: Milan</title>
		<link>http://politicalclimate.net/2010/06/04/stoking-the-eskom-debate/#comment-332</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Milan]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 04 Jun 2010 21:21:16 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://politicalclimate.net/?p=446#comment-332</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The most worrisome thing about coal is the sheer quantity of it out there.

The emissions we produce today accumulate, and remain in the atmosphere for a long time. Avoiding dangerous climate change requires leaving most of the world&#039;s remaining coal unburned.]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The most worrisome thing about coal is the sheer quantity of it out there.</p>
<p>The emissions we produce today accumulate, and remain in the atmosphere for a long time. Avoiding dangerous climate change requires leaving most of the world&#8217;s remaining coal unburned.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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	<item>
		<title>By: Tweets that mention Stoking the Eskom Debate « Political Climate -- Topsy.com</title>
		<link>http://politicalclimate.net/2010/06/04/stoking-the-eskom-debate/#comment-330</link>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tweets that mention Stoking the Eskom Debate « Political Climate -- Topsy.com]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 04 Jun 2010 15:54:37 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://politicalclimate.net/?p=446#comment-330</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[[...] This post was mentioned on Twitter by tancopsey, Political Climate. Political Climate said: Eskom&#039;s Medupi #coal plant is an emblem of failed #climate campaigns. How do we stop more Medupis? http://bit.ly/brwGvH #cop16 #cancun [...]]]></description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] This post was mentioned on Twitter by tancopsey, Political Climate. Political Climate said: Eskom&#039;s Medupi #coal plant is an emblem of failed #climate campaigns. How do we stop more Medupis? <a href="http://bit.ly/brwGvH" rel="nofollow">http://bit.ly/brwGvH</a> #cop16 #cancun [...]</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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